Wednesday, January 26, 2022

The aborted Ḅaì a labi Daïtŭm sa Quiapo

I got a mysterious call from a number not registered in my phone book. I ignored it. Minutes later, a text message popped up on my screen: Uncle, this is Adjnabéa, will you answer my call, please?

I wasn't sure she is a niece, with their multitude. Just the same, I go, "Yep, yep!"

Adjnabéa said she needed to talk to me in person. It's not that important, she said, but her voice betrayed the urgency of her call. I was trying to place who her parents  are from my hundred cousins. Her ambiguity over the phone nettled me, so I had half a mind of terminating the call, but curiosity got the better of me. So I go, "Where?" And she named  an eatery down there in Quiapo that caters traditional Maranao dishes. It's been weeks —oh no, months — since I had slurped a bowlful of soup and savored the aroma of palapa, subsisting mostly on hamburgers and pizzas as city slickers are wont to, so in auto-mode I go, "Sure, let's meet then!"

 True enough, when I arrived I was treated to a king's feast, that I was oblivious of the gambit I had unwittingly fall into. Adjnabéa stared at me across the table and intermittently pushed dishes after dishes before me, like the genial hosts of old. And I obliged. The succulent inaloban, the hot randang, … they were irresistible, I devoured them methodically, until I realized that I had skipped one ritual: take pictures of the dish before they were violated and upload them on my FB backed up in my Instagram, and eventually warehoused in my Pinterest.

As I wind up nursing on the straw of my drink, I was appraising the young lady Adjnabéa had become. I was sure that with her accoutrements some Cinderella moment must have happened to her young life along the way. The brand new SUV glowing outside in the afternoon sun eloquently spoke of her bank account, so the matchup marriage had been a success. And boy, was I impressed.

I burped, "So what's it you want to talk about? I'm all ears."

She said her husband wanted to run for a mayoralty in Basak Lanao, but she quaffed the plan, saying that it's  going to be excruciatingly expensive, it might put them into financial ruin.

"Good for you," I said. "You're damn right nipping it in the bud. You made a sensible decision, Adjnabéa." True, a lot of nouveau riche had come to grief at this, I know.

An octogenarian who was sitting in our table helping herself on a betel nut box, started to chew and gave her approval nod with a hop of her absent eyebrow, goading her champion on.

"So I'm proposing a win-win situation, uncle. Something everybody could be happy about, even proud of. And guess what, you'd be the key to all this. I mean you'd play the big part."

"Whoa, why, I'm honored and thanks for the sumptuous meal." The way she said "win-win" in a sort of corporate negotiation stung my ears. Adjnabéa had only passed primary grades in Basak, when her family had to abandon their homes in Mindanao when  a major war broke up between the rebels and the government. She lost her parents in the melee, and I could now barely remember the tiny malnourished evacuee hawking around a bilao tray of cheap plastic China toys, negotiating her way around the legs of adults during Christmas season nearby Quiapo Church. "And this win-win proposal is…?"

She cleared her throat, and I ought have fastened my seatbelt.

"I want to be enthroned as the Ḅaì a labi sa Quiapo — the first of my name!"

My jaw almost dropped to the floor. The way she heralded it ought to have been followed  by blowing the horn of a sanggakala and then greeted by the boom of a twenty-one lantaca  for good measure. I go, "The first of your name. Like the Game of Thrones, huh?"

The octogenarian made more vigorous approval nods and  she beamed at me, the red juice spittle formed gelatin  stalactites and stalagmites against the roof of her toothless mouth.

"Yes!" Adjnabéa said. The enthusiasm of youth is infectious. There is no better prescriptive to crank up your adrenaline than indulge a daredevil who is willing to brave anything even if blindfolded.

"Like Daenerys  or Sansa, I see."

"Nope, Bapa. More like Cersei. The Grand Lady!"

"The Ḅaì a labi of the House of Lannister, of course."

She nodded ecstatically, smiling with her braces, never letting her wide eyes off me, gauging my every reaction. 

"Uncle, tell me. Won't it be exciting and downright appropriate?" Her imploring eyelashes blinked rapidly like a car's windshield wipers. She's beautiful in the prime of her life, and what little scars could be discerned on her face was half-erased making her even more alluringly formidable. Her pert nose was somewhat photoshopped though it settled well with her personality that she could decently pass for the wife of a politician.

Exciting, you can bet on it. Scandalous even. But downright appropriate...I was groping for something to say. She sensed my tentativeness, so at her clapping, a tray of coffee, teas and after-meal condiments magically appeared on our side of the long table. At the far end, a durian fruit pried open suffused the room with its heady scent. It may be the 21st century, but I could have been as well swallowed  in a vortex finding myself in a padau fleet in the company of Iranūn marauders, our backs sweltering in the sun, rowing our way north in the high seas, borasimama!

"Ain't it about time, Bapa? We've grown in numbers and counting and we're gaining foothold  in the Capital. Soon we will be all over the place this side of Luzon."

Oh, she has the amazon confidence of an Urduja. And I could hear her minions chanting a lá Conor McGregor in the gladiator arena of Madison Square Garden: "We're not here to take part; we're here to take over!" I now remember the street-smart Adjnabéa had become, how with her haggling and wheeling-dealing laced with veiled intimidation she had a grip on the hawkers that lined  the footbridges in the city and controlled key sidewalk corners, dictating who goes where and what items to sell at the foot of a railway station during the holiday season. What vague sketch I know about her is that she was spotted by a police captain twenty years her senior and together they had a live-in life. When the police captain died in an encounter, she squeaked out clean and consolidated her gains, having outgrown the sidewalk and started to organize exhibits in malls. The hard-knock life paid off as she reinvented herself as a shrewd corporate negotiator with her broken English, until she fell for a cellphone technician ten-years her junior who manned one of her shops.

"Come on, Adjnabéa. Be down to earth. Why don't you take a title more appropriate to your bearing. We have choice titles in our clan that had been dormant the last hundred years that you can be bestowed with. Something that has a precedence. Our clan can ascend you to the title of Ḅaì sa Pŭṭṭád and we can stage your coronation in Basak hassle-free. I will see to its success, and no one is the wiser."

"Ḅaì sa Pŭṭṭád. Sand Queen?"

I nodded.

"Yak! What trite ugliness. Like I would be lording over a quarry. I could picture myself counting truckloads ferrying mounds of sands out of my domain until the carpet is swept away under my feet. What gives?"

"Don't belittle this one, Adjnabéa," I said. It's sacrosanct to your ancestors, to us, and to you. Ḅaì sa Pŭṭṭád was instituted after the Magatori or Makaturing erupted in 1765. Many Iranuns had fanned out all over Southeast Asia, even the northern coast of Australia. But our forebears chose to stay and endure it. This title had been long dormant and you owe resurrecting it in homage. It would be like unsheathing the Excalibur sword off its stone.

Adjnabéa was mulling at what I just said. I wasn't sure she knew anything about the King Arthur legend. So I slipped in the hitting-two-birds-with-one-stone trick. "It will be a welcoming home party for you, besides. It has been decades that you haven't seen your kin. Take it, girl."

"No Uncle. No way I would be pulled into wearing this title, not even if Magatori blows up yet another time."

The old woman who all this time had been acting as a silent referee blurted out from her betel nut chewing. "Astagfirullah! Astagfirullah! Di ka di pangangaloy wata. Lidasŭn tano ron o mga apo. Don't be silly, girl."

"I love the Baȳalabi sa Quiapo. I've been dreaming it. Uncle, I'm a trailblazer, and I live up to the role. The more I run it through my mind, the better it gets. Fits me like a glove, huh."

Silence engulfed us. And she broke out of the reverie. "Remember the catchphrase, what old folks used to say? 'Baka si-i mya mola sa niyog?' Now, it no longer holds water. We're born here, we're married here, we die, and we'll be buried here. Mayor Isko makes sure we're decently buried here too. Now, half-my cousins are half-Christians? All of them hardly knowing any of our native words."

"Like you don't know what the word Quiapo means. You won't love it after I told you."

"Try me. Why, what  does Quiapo mean?"

 "Quiapo means "kayupu," the ones you see floating on the lake, remember when you were a toddler running along the sandy coastline of Basak?"

"The tarembabak, you mean? Sometimes, they could get so dense, that the lancha had a hard  time wading through out of the quay that sailors needed long poles to bring the boat into the open water. Ah, know that I remember, I could hear the crews shouting in the unholy hours of dawn, 'Marawi! Marawi! Magaan den tumulak!'"

"Gotcha! The kataba-taba and the kabontir. These are of the nomenclature of kayupu, from which the name of Quiapo was taken. A cabbage of hyacinths that get shooed all the way from Laguna de Bay to the mouth of Pasig which in my opinion is much, much more grotesque than the dignified sand dunes in our place."

"I think you're making this up, uncle."

"I'm not. By the way, who is the historian here?  See the first principle is to see to it that you're entitled to a title, how you could be rooted to this place. And how could you be rooted to the hairy tails of a kayupu?"

"Ha! So that means our ancestors were the ones who named Quiapo. How wonderful. That's a start! Allah is great! Why, I ain't mistaken to have you summoned!"

Summoned? Now she is already playing the part of a Bai a Labi. "Not so fast, oké. The word kayupu itself in turn was rooted from the Sanskrit word kayappu. You see, if you try skimming the kirim scripts, you'll yield  tons of Iranūn words  of Sanskrit origins. The Iranūns clustered at Kayupu were trading briskly with the thriving community  of Hanafi Chinese merchants from Zaynun who maintained their godowns in Tutuban in the eary part of the fifteenth century. Zaynun is the Iranūn name for modern Quangzhu."

"Hmnn, I see. Just as well, our clan is a few thousand strong here already in the capital, it's about time we are listened to, and not just the ones listening all the time. After all, I've heard that Manila and its environs used to be controlled by Muslims. We're just asserting what's ours. Shouldn't we be?"

A little learning is a dangerously incomplete thing. But why drag in Alexander Pope?  "I'm not contesting you on that. But the descendants of these Muslims you're referring to are alive and well today. And they are aware of their high-born origins, however nebulous. If you insist on becoming a Ḅaì a labi sa Quiapo, you'd  be a laughing stock."

"Why, I'm not begging to be the Ḅaì a labi sa Tundo or Pasay. I just want this tiny bit of Manila where at least we have some semblance of preponderance. Besides there's never been a Ḅaì a labi sa Quiapo here before. So who cares if I assume it?"

"That's the trouble," I said. "Nobody cares because you're just making it up out of thin air. Titles must be rooted in wars, origins, and succession of  rulers, and peppered with some primordial legends even. Above all they must be recognized in the realm."

"There is no realm to talk about. We now have a Philippine Republic whose charter doesn't officially recognize royalty. So the government and the populace don't give a hoot to whether you declare yourself Queen of Mars or Pluto or whatnot, long as you don't encroach into the privacy of others or trample their rights. I just want to be Ḅaì a labi sa Quiapo — the very first of my name. After that, man, I could die happy for all I care."

I think I was underestimating my primary-grade niece. "True, no one would handcuff you. You'd just be ignored. But for your bestowal, do you have some concrete basis  to lay down your pipe? Or it would be a futile exercise, and all it accomplishes is fill your ego."

"Then how did the 16 Royal houses bestowed a title on Tomas Cabili, Jr.?"

"In the case of Tomas Cabili, Jr, he has the title of his father, the late Senator, whose ancestry harked back to Datu Tomidao Búka and Ḅaì Yana sa Inêtao Cabilin. Just like Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. She took the title of her father Diosdado and converted it into a Ḅaì a labi. In your case, how then are we going to justify it so that it will have at least some cultural import or historical underpinnings?"

"Uncle, you are the historian here you said, so pray tell me, whose bailiwick  Quiapo was in the olden times in the first place?"

I was ill prepared for this sort of interrogation. But I did have some quaint readings on the early days of Manila. "Well, to start with there was Doña Clara Morahin who was married to Don Francisco Banal."

"Did they begot children?"

"At least, they have one child Marcelo who became an Augustinian priest."

That's a dead end there. Let's work back. Who's Francisco Banal?"

"He's the son of Don Miguel Banal, the Datu sa Kayupu."

"Now, let's unpack this. How  did he became the Datu sa Kayupu? Was he preceded by his father?"

"No, his father Juan Banal was a Datu sa Tundok, meaning today's Tundo."

"So he must have probably taken it from his in-laws."

"Yes, most probably.  But it could go either way."

"Who's the wife of the Datu sa Kayupu?"

"It's Doña Inés. Dahitim is her native name," I said. "This is what the genealogical documents deposited with the Philippines' National Archives revealed."

"Dahitim must have been hispanized a bit. Daïtŭm is more like it in our dialect. It means being speckled or suffused with blackness, an acquired thing like when your skin gets dark after getting too long exposed in the sun. Then you are called 'Daitum.' Or if you are prone to dirt, you're called 'Daburing'."

I nodded.

"Now, we're talking!" Adjnabéa was so pleased with herself that at her clap a plateful of tamokonsi was brought  to the table.

"We're talking what?"

"Can't you see?  Tagalog has only the modifier ma- as in maputi or maitim, but daïtŭm is a word native to Iranūn. Who were Doña Inés Dahitim's parents?"

"Her mother was Doña Maria Laran…"

"And Doña Laran was…"

"A daughter of Raja Sulaiman. Dahitim's father was not mentioned."

"Now you're not just the historian here. You're the genealogist."

They stowed away the dishes. And I fired my laptop on the table. A dozen pair of eyes of rubbernecks peeped at my screen as I navigated through my database, and I could feel their heat breathing down on me.

I sighed. I reclined on my chair, and the rubbernecks withdrew instantly to give me space.

"Well," I said, "Doña Inés Daïtŭm's father was Datu Aman who went by his teknonym Bapaī Sumilaw. He was also the father of Doña María Guinyamat or Putrí Kayamat who became the wife of Don Augustín or Datu Turingan."

"And who's this Datu Aman or Bapaī Sumilaw?"

I knew to where this was heading to: Adjenabéa trying to squeeze herself into the equation. So I rattled off: "He was better known to the Spaniards as Bapa Silaw. Miguel Lopez de Legaspi was indebted to him as he procured boatloads of rice from Panay for the Spaniards when they were being starved by the people of Raja Tupas in Cebu. Being country traders, Bapa Silaw accompanied Legaspi's fleet to Manila along with Mokamad sa Kalibau who was responsible for ferrying the rice from Panay to the Spaniards. When the Spaniards conquered Manila, Raja Sulaiman, the Raja Muda, was killed by the Spaniards in 1575 at Navotas. Bapaī Sumilaw took the orphan Maria Laran for a wife, and the couple gave birth to Daïtŭm and Kayamat or Doña María Guinyamat."

"And, Bapa, who are the parents of Bapaī Sumilaw?"

"Bapaī Sumilaw is a son of Datu Bangkāya {Datu sa Magindanao ika-2} by one of his wives, Bukayan {Putrí Byronai} of Sêlangan. Datu Bangkāya used Bapaī Sumilaw as his feeler and emissary to the Spaniards. Guido de Lavezaris, who succeeded as Governor-General when Lepaspi died, wrote King Felipe II on Jul 17,1574. that Datu Bangkāya : "The lord and chief of Bindanao River (Pulangi) has also notified me, through letters, that he wishes to be our friend …"

"Then Bapa, couldn't I be descended from Bapaī Sumilaw then?"

"I-I'm not too certain, girl." I wanted to terminate this conversation as especially that President Duterte had just announced that in a week's time there would be a moratorium on travel as new strain of a viruse called COVID-19 was starting to demonize the world, and I wanted to spend some time in Mindanao for my research. "You see the progenies of Datu sa Kayupu came in disfavor with the Spaniards. Don Juan Banal was executed with his brother-in-law Magat Salamat when their plot to seek the help of the Sultan of Borneo and the Emperor of Japan to overthrow the Spaniards was uncovered. Juan Banal's son, Don Miguel Banal, the Datu sa Kayupu and his household were evicted from their lands by the Jesuits, their homes razed to the ground. This was the last stand of the Datus in Manila."

"How tragic, Bapa" she sighed. There was a long silence. And the octogenarian seemed to have given up too as she tucked away her betelnut box..

I switched off my laptap. Just as I was zipping my backpack, about to go, Adjnabéa broke the impasse by tacking in another angle. "Wait, wait, Bapa. If Bapaī Sumilaw or the Bapa Silaw to the Spaniards is only a teknonymy, then he must have another family where a Sumilaw is a son of his, right?"

I should not have underestimated this Queen of the Underpass. "Of course, he had an earlier family before Doña Inés Dahitim. Sumilaw is a son of Datu Aman with Ḅaì sa Pusĕd ā Ragat who was of Talakag."

"Then could I be somehow a direct progeny then?"

I had stowed away my laptop and would not deign opening it again. Besides, it's getting late in the evening already. "I'm not sure," I said. "But you could be. Who knows."

She looked forlorn. "I can sense that you really want this title so badly."

"Oh, Bapa. I dream about it all the time!"

"Anyway, the bottom line is you are descended from Datu Bangkāya. He had 13 children from at least four spouses. Either Datu Dimsangkay Adel or Kapitan Laut Buisan would have you as an assured descendant. It's a horizontal swig from Bapaī Sumilaw but that will do. It's now your call."

Adjanabéa had never been so happy in her life, I could see that she desperately needed my validation. She thanked me profusely, and even as she ushered me on my way out, she had been so animated in elaborating what a spectacle it will be when she resurrects the Ḅaì a labi Daïtŭm sa Quiapo. The festivities, the pompous celebration, the authentic performances of artists. She will invite the old nobilities of Manila. Even some of her friends from Southeast Asia. They would all come, she said.

It was late in the evening already when I got home. In the days following people were in frantic mood. The shelves of groceries were wiped clean and I thought everyone was bracing for a long haul of isolation as international flights were suspended and face mask started to appear like everyone was about to holdup their local bank. Then the regulation one meter-apart distance had become ubiquitous in shops and malls. Then schools closed, congregations suspended, feasts disallowed, and one could only call a meeting Zoom-bie mood…

[The historical contents of this anecdote are true and meticulously researched by the author, but I am not about to give the references but in my upcoming book "The Iranūn of Southeast Asia: Discovering Philippines' Lost Heritage & History". Here, I use the anecdotal form as it is easier for readers to digest than a formal one. This is the trend nowadays even in businesses  and in corporate board rooms. It's been a while since I last wrote anything anecdotal but this one is anything but fiction. The contemporary portion of the story had been altered only somewhat to protect the innocent— or harbor the guilty, if you will.]











Thursday, November 5, 2020



Beyond the Sayyid and Sharīf kīrim reading of the salsila: A surgical dissection[1]

by Nasser S. Sharief[2]

[Forgive the stiff-formality of the article which departs from my blog style. It is meant as a support for a more comprehensive research I've been preparing all along. To obtain a clean formatted PDF file, download  it at academia.edu

                                           We look on past ages with condescension, as a mere preparation for us....but what if we are a mere after-glow of them?

― J.G. Farrell, The Siege of Krishnapur

Since the 1990s there has had been an upsurge among historians an interest on the study of the Sayyids and Sharīfs that goes beyond sporadic references in historical and anthropological studies. So much so, that establishing an overarching framework had been echoed by scholars as necessary for "a coherent understanding of sayyids and sharīfs as a whole through a synthesis of different local manifestations."[3] A first serious attempt to this end was the staging in 1998 of an international colloquium The Role of the Sâdât/Ašrâf in Muslim History and Civilization by Biancamaria Scarcia Amoretti of Rome University. "This colloquium put together the studies on relevant cases 'from Morocco to Indonesia' for the first time."[4] Since then, writings on the sayyids and sharīfs from all quarters keep the reading public continually updated.

In Southeast Asia in general, and in the nusantara[5] in particular a study on the Sayyids and Sharīfs as they flowed into the region is important not only for hagiographic study but also in reconstructing the early social history and political setup of the region.  As is manifest in the oral literature of Mindanao and Sulu, the coming of the Makhdums and Sharīfs plying the sea on "iron pots" and beached or shipwrecked on the estuaries of the islands, and meeting the local chief and eventually marrying into the elite had always been a recurring theme. Fused with mythical anecdotes, it is the "strange" coupling of these two entities that formed the building blocks upon which the polity that emerged finds justification to their rule.

In the past six months, I had been hounded by dozens or so requests on my take on some kīrim[6] scripts that deal with the genealogical underpinnings of the Šyarīfs or Sayyīds as they flowed their way into the literature of the Iranūn. But I was having second thoughts as they are not as yet my priority at this stage in my research and writings. Yet when I could no longer ignore the dozen or so inquiries and messages, I now am able (thanks to the onset of COVID-19) to eke out the time in my tight schedule.

The portion on the salsila (genealogy) on the descendants of ‘Abd al-Manāf bin Īmaam Qusay as it spilled into the gene pool of the Iranūn[7] in their kīrim scripts is— to say the least — tenuous as to be ambitious and comprehensive. It sought to integrate five desperate epochs in medieval history leading up to the period when five siblings from the legendary Darangĕn stumbled into a territory they went on to call pyagêma ā ragat (the Hidden Sea).[8] Beginning from the Quraish clan in desert Arabia, the narration veered into the institution of the Ummayad dynasty; then in an arching leap, it tackled  the advent of the Ottoman empire; and then without as much hesitation, it cruised the circuitous straits of the nusantra region of what the ancients called Diyawa[9], and then, it convoluted back in time to the early part of the 12th century to the Hindu-Tantric-Sanskrit age of the Darangĕn starting with Āyā Devaki Mokom I (son of Artawan Gunavarman) to the golden age of the Calinan ā Běmbaran in what is now the greater part of northeast Mindanao (Cabadbaran and Butuan) and the southerly part of Samar-Leyte.

While admitting to minor variations, here, more or less, is the rundown as laid down by the ġuġudan[10]:

Osayan ko bangsa iphoon ko Abdul Manaf

Iphoon ko Abdul Manaf: (Magari) Abdul Sam; Abdul Hasim

Iphoon ko Abdul Sam: (Milapi-lapis): Ommaya; Abdul As; Hakim; Usman; Sultan sa Istambol; Sultan Morad Han; Sultan Solaiman Han; Sultan Mustapha Han; Sultan Mohammad Han; Sultan Abdul Han; Sharif Karsol Hilaliya; Sharif Motawakil; Sharif Abdara Dawia; Shiek sa Langawia; Shiek Abdul Kamal a Sultan nabi sa Komara Mantapoli

Iphoon ko Abdul Hasim: Abdul Mutalib

Iphoon ko  Abdul Mutalib (Magari-ari): Abbas; Abuh Talib; Abdullah

Iphoon ko  Abdullah: Nabi Mohammad (s.a.w.); Fatima Sohra

Ipoon ko Abbas: (Milapi-lapis): Abdul Fadel; Abdul Malik; Sultan Ali; Abdul Rashid; Shiek Haron (Ameril Mo’ominin); Sharief Auliya; Potre Paramisoli (Karoma o Sharief Maradia)

(Magari-ari): Tabonawan; Mamalo; Sarabanon

Iphoon ko Abuh Talib: Baguinda Ali (karoma niyan so Fatima Sohra a wata o nabi Mohammad (s.a.w.)

(Magari): Amir Hassan; Amir Husain

Ipoon ko Amir Husain

(Milapi-lapis): Sharif Ali Zainal Abedin; Sharif Mohammad Bakir; Sharif Japar o Sedik; Sharif Mosalhan; Sharif Ali Riban; Sharif Mohammad dil Awal; Sharif Aliol Hoda; Shiek Ali Hassan; Hassanol Mohdil; Shiek ya Hassan; Sharif Ahmad; Sharif Mohammad Akil; Sharif Alawi; Sharief Mohammad Sharifudin (Aya somiyorat ko Salsila)

(Magari): Ali Zainal Abedin (inibowat); Abdul Rahman[11]

At the get go, however, I am putting forth one caveat: In order not to preempt the forthcoming volume one of my Monsoon Riders series, I am not about to give spoilers on Sayyīd Muhammad Kebungsuan (Šyarīf Kabungsuwan) and other Sayyids like  Šyarīf Berpaki (al-'Alawī Ba Faqih), Sayyid Isāak al-Zamzami b. al-Faqih Maulana al-Mindanawī and Sayyidina Mustafa III (Saydūna Mustapha) Al-Aydrus al-Ašrāf al-Ta'ifi (inibowat[12]; sufi patriarch of the Ampatuans and other major clans of Magindanao and Lanao), nor would I be broaching the provenance of MS. #3 of Najeeb Saleeby[13], the so-called Kudarangan manuscripts which provides a different avenue on the salsila of the Sayyids and Šyarīfs. At the same time I would not be broaching the Darangĕn episodes here. These putative descendants of the Prophet and the Darangĕn will be explored in the mentioned series in their full gore and glory, no holds barred — and that's a promise.

Even before going into the 'devil of the details' of these kirim scripts, one cursory glance, and we could readily discern the artificial construct on which these ġuġudan had been framed. From the end of the Ummayad dynasty, for instance, it spanned more than six centuries to get to the Ottoman Empire. How did these anomalies happen? The answer lies in that much of these kirim scripts came to us in less than ideal form. Some portions (bungkos) of these writings were recreated from withered copies. Others from memory by survivors when earlier extant copies had been destroyed or lost in wars, evacuations, natural calamities like the eruption of Palaw ā Magatorī (Makaturing) in 1765. However prodigious they may be, mnemonists' (salsilah orators) capacity for recall is taxed by the sheer amount of material to be internalized, and if passed from one generation to the next, some gaps tend to accrue as sizeable details pilfer in the process.

The zeal of Spanish priests to destroy local materials had been legendary. Frank Charles Laubach who had spent some time in Lanao, and even oversee the bilingual Lanao Progress (English and Maranao) in the 1930s, had this to say:

The early Spanish friars, sharing the opinion of their day that all pagan faiths were purely works of the devil, energetically destroyed all relics and writings which could remind the people of their former faiths. So thorough were they that very few specimens survive to the present day-much to the vexation of modem scholars. There must have been a very considerable literature, since one Spanish friar in Southern Luzon reported with pride that he had destroyed more than three hundred scrolls written in the native character.[14]

The southern part of the archipelagos did not fare better. When the Spaniards discovered that there were 'Moors' in the new islands they found, they had no qualms in imposing a continuation of the Reconquista in the Pacific. To justify their funding from the coffer of the King of Spain, governors and friars painted a glowing account of these Moros. Governor Francisco de Sande Picón's stern instructions to Don Esteban Figueroa in 1579 that all propagation of the Mohammedan religion must cease forthwith were a command to burn all literatures connected to it. Sulu being the constant object of Spaniards raids lost most of their manuscripts. In April 1628 Governor Tabora gave Don Cristobal a very unusual mission, perhaps whispered on him by a friar: He was to destroy the tomb of Sultan Šyarīf Ali, revered by the Sulog as holy of holies, and this was carried to the letter.  These targeted raids took their toll not only on the livelihood of the people but also were meant to erase their social and cultural accoutrements. The order left no room for ambiguity: deface everything that would remind the natives of their faith and start from a clean slate.

The fate of Magindanao was no different. It started when after subduing Çubu (Sugbo), the Spaniards were counting on repeating their feat over Magindanao. The instructions given by de Sande to Gabriel de Ribera Miguel Godines left no room for ambiguity:

… you shall order them to admit no more such preachers of the sect of Mahoma. And if you can ascertain who they are, you shall try, to the best of your ability, to bring them here; and shall burn the edifice wherein the accursed doctrine was read and taught, and shall order that none other like it be built.[15]

On March 14, 1579 Ribera  sailed up the Pulangi to entice the submission of  Datu Dimasangkay ‘Ādil (Limsancay) [c.1546-1596] with a letter to enroll Magindanao to the protection of the Spanish king Felipe el Prudente II under a "Creator —who is three persons yet the one and only true God."[16] Cuius regio, eius religio—as the king, so the religion goes as the saying goes. But the ageing yet wise datu knew all too well the fate of Raja Bésar Tupaz — the cipher that he had been reduced to — as to fall for the trap. While his siblings, Kapitan Laut Buisan and Datu Sali (Gūgū Saricula) were abroad in Maluku being hosted by Babu’llah {Sultan of Ternate [r.1570 - 1583], known to the Iranūn as Datu Shah sa Karnaké[17]. They were there procuring weaponries and recruiting reinforcements. Dimasangḱay chose to uproot his royal court, his retinue, his household and his warriors to make a hasty strategic retreat inland up to Buayan where his father-in-law Raja Seproa (Srí Purua) by one of his wives hosted him for the duration of their flight. Simuay was then razed to the ground, their talibon (cherished positions) were looted and the "devil's strange scrolls" consumed by fire without any trace.

Many pioneering ethnologists had given up their research on the Philippines and shifted to other regions of Southeast Asia, concluding our past was irretrievable, and that further efforts would only be a waste of time. Paucity of materials to work on was pointed out as the usual culprit. But one might suspect it to be an alibi in a general reluctance on the majority population to uncover or explore their checkered Islamic past. Still some kindred spirits would not be deterred. One historian that readily comes to mind was William Henry Scott. His works defied the cookie-cut narrative that served as a template to portray the Filipino as a passive receptor of history.

The coming of the Americans relieved the Moro much of the pressure of the Jesuits in their zealot quest to Christianize them. Thanks to the inquisitive mind of Najeeb Mitry Saleeby, at last historians and researchers had their first peek into indigenous literature. Yet even the transcribed copies Saleeby had worked out with panditas like Datu Cali and of course, the main resource, Sardar Muḥammad Afḍal Khān II al-Afghānī (Aṕid sa Guimba) [c.1865-1920] were ultimately lost in the war during the American regime. And, more important, what he had wrought was taken from mediated sources only. Ditto with the manuscript on Sulu in possession of Hadji Butu Abdul Baqi, part of it written by his cousin Utu Abdur Rakman.[18] For all their shortcomings and state of retrieval, the works of Saleeby became the standard reference. It is the next best thing one can have to getting under the hood of these otherwise unreachable materials. Unfortunately, the work of Saleeby became the be-all-and-end-all of the historiography on the "Moro." It became the bible of most researchers and thesis of graduate students from the University of Canberra to the University of Madrid innocently — if uncritically — keeps quoting its contents with impunity.

The next best thing to have happened on Moro historiography was the works of Cesar Adib Majul. Like Saleeby, Majul had "caught the bug" and he had immersed most of his professional life in the endeavor. He expanded on Moro history by broaching hitherto previously little explored Western sources including Dutch. However, his effort was largely unidirectional in the sense that when it comes to indigenous sources, he had little to add to the works of Saleeby, and the best he had to offer was synthesizing them. 

Past Majul and Saleeby, our historiography stagnated. Some Moro writers were so "married" and enamored with the sultanates that they would not analyze events beyond the royalist point of view. As such, they became parasitic to happenstances and intrigues triggered by colonialists' initiatives: war campaigns, treaties, negotiations, compromises and the like. Where such events (records) were wanting, everything is in a lull, nay, freezes in suspended animation. Others write "history" as if they were out to settle a score. Theirs is a panegyric to the blind bravery of their ancestors. From start to finish it would always be about raids, raids, counter-raids and more raids, and never allowing the poor reader to catch his breath. This disease is mirrored by the narratives predominating our school textbooks. One need only look at the regional histories within the country written by local historians to document how invariably they suffer from a parallel malady: No sooner than the name of the place had been identified as originating from the root word of a rare plant or a tree endemic of the place or a language misunderstanding (or a joke) between the natives and the Spaniards, when the inexorable process of reduction is initiated by the planting of the Cross. Then the tedious structuring of the town follows: the visitas, encomiendas, and the minute details of baptizing the natives as though this is the culmination of their dull waiting all these centuries. And there are hundreds of islands to contend with that the friars had to be hasty with each wrap up. As it transpired, it was always the irredeemably inferior native that needed to be civilized or saved, never the desperate and hungry interloper. This cookie-cut template replicates the monotony in most histories of the regions with just a few token variations thrown in here and there. No wonder with many local historians Philippine history ought (if they have their way) earnestly began in 1872 as professor Milagros C. Guerrero of the University of the Philippines had aptly quoted a famous historian,[19] never mind that it was even predated by the opening of the Suez Canal by three years! 

Having rolled out all the attendant difficulties in leveraging these indigenous materials, we may ask: What are we to make of them? More bluntly: Why bother? Are we to resign ourselves to the amputation of history as espoused by Filipino writers? Should we just keep rehashing trivia on the Katipuneros, ad infinitum? If what we are looking for are the exactness of information that we take for granted in the 21st century, then surely these indigenous materials cannot live up to the expectations of  modern-day scrutiny. In our day, an Olympic swimmer's laps would be noted down to the millisecond. The apparent ambiguity of indigenous sources on names, events, royal progeny or succession and precise dating must take into account the natives conception of time and setting, and the meaning they attach to events. For a modern writer like us, sitting in the comfort of an air-conditioned room, fingers feeling the tactile keyboard of the computer, it is easy to criticize these shriveled scrolls drawn with blood, sweat and tears.

Despite the immense destruction brought by the centuries' war with the Spaniards though, quite a number of scrolls in the hinterland of Lanao had somehow survived as opposed to the coastal areas of the Illana Bay, the Pulangi, and the islands of Sulu. These 18th to 19th century scripts were written in papers that bore Chinese markers identifying the makers as examined by the British library for a researcher of Sophia University in Tokyo, K. Midori, who did fieldwork on Maranao manuscripts in 2013.[20] Manuscripts like the Ta'bir Mimpi (Dream Interpretation)transcribed by the Qādī sa Binidayan, Tuan Muhammad Said in Hudaydah, Yemen in 1803 were written on this type of paper.[21] 

Preserving manuscripts is one thing, but synthesizing them is another hurdle. It consumes a lot of time and needs expertise in specialized fields of ethnohistory, anthropology, paleography and some aptitude in prosopography, and in the case of genealogical works, knowledge in the technique of text (data) mining developed in the computer age. Some early researchers who did works on Iranūn manuscripts had only a limited objective in view. The fault lies in that these researchers do not have the dogged patience to learn these crabbed hieroglyphics known as kirim or jawi scripts which adapt Arabic syllabaries in literature in the native alipalipan. This shortcoming even extends to the Muslim population itself. Today, it is becoming rare and rare to find someone (octogenarians included) who can faithfully interpret these manuscripts or paraphrase Sanskrit-laden passages in the Darangĕn literature that elaborates the cosmology of the Iranūn.
 
With the demise of our most outstanding interpreters of the kirim, our chance of decoding our past is getting dimmer and dimmer as each year passes. Here now is an up-close look at the kirim salsila starting from 'Abd al Manaf, son of Qusayy (Zayd) b. Kilaab and Custodian of the Ka'aba.[22]
 
Osayan ko bangsa iphoon ko Abdul Manaf
(Magari) Abdul Sam Abdul Hasim
Abd al-Manaf bin Īmaam Qusay m. 'Ātikah binte Murrah bin Hilāl [circa 449, Makkah-], begot:
1. Hashim (A'mr ul-U'la) [464-497], born and died in Gaza, Palestine 
2. 'Abd Shams bin Imaam ‘Abd al-Manāf [464-], born and died in Makkah
3. Sayyidi al-Muttalib bin Imaam ‘Abd al-Manāf [467-] Makkah

Iphoon ko Abdul Sam
(Milapi-lapis): Ommaya; Abdul As; Hakim
'Abd Shams m. 'Abla [475] begot Umayyah al-Akbar [539], born and died in Makka. The clan of Banu Umayyad as well as the dynasty that ruled the Umayyad Caliphate [661-750] were named after Umayya ibn Abd Shams.

Ommaya
Ommaya was Umayya أمية بن عبد شمس, the son of 'Abd Shams ibn Abd Manaf and the father of Harb ibn Umayya and Abu al-'As. According to a Shia view, Ummaya was adopted. He bought the slave boy from the traders of Yemen who usually went to Syria as he was fascinated with his fair complexion and his brown blonde hair. This accounts why Abu Sufian, his grandson, had blues eyes and many who were born later in the line had lighter hair and eyes even before their migration and mingling with the Iberians, i.e. Spain and Portugal.

Interestingly, none of the three mentioned in the salsila had been a caliph of the Umayyad dynasty. Umayya himself was not a caliph. The first Umayyad caliph was Muawiya I ibn Abu Sufyan [661-680], less than 3 decades after the death of Prophet Muhammad.

Abdul As
Abdul As was Abu al-'As أبو العاص بن أمية [c.569-], son of the eponymous progenitor of the Umayyad clan, Umayyah al-Akbar bin Sayyidi 'Abd Shams. He married Ruqayyah and bore four children: Affan, father of the caliph Uthman, Al-Hakam, father of the Umayyad caliph Marwan I; Al-Mughira; and a daughter, Safiyya who bore Ramla, who became a wife of the Prophet.
As a name, Abu al-'As became popular usage as Abulais among the Iranūn after Sayyīd Muhammad Kebungsuan (Šyarīf Kabungsuwan) named one son with Baì Mazśaoang (ika-2 inibūwat) {Baì sa Oāka} after him. The son was Maradayan Abulaīs or Mahradīa Abu al-'As. Even today, hundreds of Maranaū are named Abulais.

Hakim
Hakim was Al-Ḥakam b. Abu al-ʻAs الحكم بن أبي العاص [c.599, Makkah], son of Abu al-'As. This is the terminus of the salsila on the Umayyad dynasty. His son Marwân I bin al-Hakam [623-685 became the 4th Umayyad Caliph.

The next entry shows the ambivalence of the composer of the salsilah. While we may forgive the scribbler with the benefit of the long ellipsis to represent the long generation gaps, the Ottoman empire had remotely anything to do with the preceding Umayyad caliphate.

Usman
There was an Uthman ibn Abu al-'As al-Thaqafi  who was a brother  of the preceding Al Hakam, and an ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān who was a son of Al Hakam's brother. Since this is a genealogy, we expect this entry to be a son of Hakam. And Hakam never had a son named Uthman. Based on the next entry, it is apparent that the "Usman" here is meant to be a transition to the Ottoman empire. This is a big leap to say the least. If what is meant here is Osman I that lends his name to the Ottoman empire as hinted by the next entry "Sultan sa Istambol" (Sultan of Istanbul) then we are jumping from the Umayyad dynasty more than six centuries hence! According to tradition, Osman was a descendant of the Orghuz Turks (Kayi tribe; they were never Arabs). The dynasty went through 36 sultans lasting six centuries ending in 1922.

Sultan sa Istambol
If what is meant here is the second Sultan of the Ottoman as answered by the next entry, then "Sultan sa Istambol" here was meant to be Orhan [r.1326-1362]. He is the son of Osman I and Hatun Kameriye Sultana, while Osman I himself was a son of  the redoubtable Ertuğrul Bey and his lady Halima Hatun.[23]

The title "Paduka", which comes in various guises — Paduka, Paluka, Sri Paduka, Saripada, Sriparra, Sipad and even Īpad— is a Southeast Asian adaptation of the Ottoman Turkish Padishah( پادشاه‎,). This is usually used as a common title for the emperor except when he is directly named that the title proper Sultan is used.

Sultan Morad Han
Sultan Morad Han was Sultân-i Âzam Murad I Hüdavendigâr. He is the son of Orhan and Nilüfer Hatun, killed in the Battle of Kosovo, 1389, thus his earning also of the title Şehȋd (the Martyr). I cannot be sure of why the suffix Han had been placed here by the kirim writers after the names of the sultans, but it appears to be intended as a cognomen (nickname title passed down from father to son) or some such as the succeeding entries show. Curiously, there was a sister of Orhan, named Han Hatun.

Sultan Solaiman Han
Sultan Solaiman Han was obviously Emir Süleyman Çelebi, the First Sultan of Rumelia for the European portion of the Ottoman empire. He was murdered in 1411. Once again the bloodline flow in the salsila was broken, as Solaiman was a grandson of Murad, so his father Beyazid I should have been placed in-between Morad Han and himself in the salsila. Bayezid I[r. 1389-1402] was the son of Murad I and Gülçiçek Hatun. He adopted the title Sultan-i Rûm, being an old Islamic name for the Roman Empire. Iranūn salsilahs use the name Rûm for the old Ottoman empire even in its entirety. 

Süleyman married two times: Fülane Hatun, (m. 1403) daughter of Ilario Doria and his wife Zampia Palaiologina, illegitimate daughter of Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos; and, Despina Hatun, (m. 1404) daughter of Theodore I Palaiologos, Despot of Morea and his unnamed mistress.

Sultan Mustapha Han
Sultan Mustapha Han was Mustafa Çelebi (1380 – May 1422), also called Düzmece Mustafa (Impostor Mustafa), an Ottoman prince (şehzade) who struggled to gain the throne of the Ottoman Empire in the early 15th century. The name Çelebi is an honorific title meaning gentleman. He was the Sultan of Rumelia twice during January 1419 – 1420 and January 1421-May 1422. The blood lineage in the salsila was broken again as he was the son of Bayezid I by another wife, Devletşah Hatun.

Sultan Mohamad Han
At this point, it becomes obvious that the salsila were mentioning names of the Ottoman sultans at random, as there were six Sultan Mehmed (the Turkish equivalent of Mohammad) starting from Mehmed to Mehmed VI. Mehmed I Çelebi, was the Sultan of Anatolia [1403-1413]. He was the fourth son of Bayezid I and Devlet Hatun, who fought with his brothers over the control of the Ottoman realm in the interregnum [1402-1413].

Sultan Abdul Han
If this was Abdul Hamid I, the first Sultan with the name prefix Abdul, then this was already a very late stage in the empire as he was the 27th sultan! He ruled in the late 18th century, from 1774-1789.

The preceding roster of Turkish rulers in the salsila may be lax in giving information on the Sayyids and Sharifs, yet they illumined the prestige that the Ottoman occupy in the world of the Iranūn. For although the Ottoman expeditions failed to dislodge the early Iberians from the Indian Ocean in the 16th century, a sizeable portion of their cannoneers and soldiers had dispersed as far as the nusantara to impart their knowledge on warfare. These contributions to the struggle against the colonialists were not lost to the Iranūn in their kisas and hikayat  literature. At the turn of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire may have been in decline, yet when finally the Americans in 1902 came to demand that the Maranao respect the Treaty of Paris, the Sultan sa Bayang, in homage, defiantly declared: "We vow to no one but the Sultan of Rûm!"[24]

Sharif Karsol Hilaliya
With the perfunctory Šyarīf, we have  left the Ottoman sultanate.

Sharif Motawakil.
Mutawakkil is a kunya (nickname) meaning "Having Faith in Allah (God)." 

Sharif Abdara Dawia
Sharif Abdara Dawia is an amalgamation of a father and a son: Abdara could refer to Al-Maula al-Daraq (the father); and Dawia could refer to Shaykh Muhammad Mawla al Dawīlah محمد،مولی الدویلة  (the son). This type of error is the inverse of the one committed in Haroun al-Rashid (see later entry) where a person's name and title had been split to form two identities. Here two persons had been fused to form as one person, apparently the result of a fuzzy mnemonist's recollection. Alī  Maula al-Daraq was a son of Alawī al-Faqih al-Ghoyur [c. 1221-?] and the father of Shaykh Muhammad Mawla al Dawīlah. 

This entry propels us into the world of the Bā Alawis  of Hydramawt, Yemen, to which many Sayyīds and Syarīfs in Southeast Asia claims descent. Shaykh Muhammad Mawla al Dawīlah traces his lineage from Sayyīd 'Alī ibn 'Alawī Khalaq Qassam, who migrated to Tarīm from Iraq. It was after him the Hadhrami sāda were given the name of Bā 'Alawī or Alawī Sāda, which in diaspora, branched out into clans such as al-Saqāff, al-'Attās, al-Faqih, al-'Aydarūs. 'Aydīd, al-Junayd, al-Qādrī, Āl Yahyā, al-Shātrī, etc.[25] In the Philippines, in a town called Madalŭm  (from which my late mother hailed), one-tenth of its population[26] is surnamed Alawī. The coming of the Alawīs were not only documented in the kirim scripts; they were also, in a slightly altered form, part of the oral folklore and cosmology of the Talāändig and the Igaonĕn as the author had discovered in his field works, which I will take up in some future articles (insa'Allah).

Shiek sa Langawia
A most appropriate investigation of Shiek sa Laṅgawia is to situate him in the kingdom of Laṅgkasuka Kedah because it was perhaps the oldest Hindu kingdom in Southeast Asia which ran parallel with the era of the tantric kingdom of Běmbaran in the early 11th century. Short of discovering anytime soon ancient structures around northeast of Mindanao and the areas of Butig southwest of the island , Kedah features the most numerous Hindu-Buddhist stone structures in the Malay Peninsula. In addition, the discovery of two Muslim graves at Kedah presumably of Persian provenance, dated 214 AH (826-829 CE) and 291 AH (903/904CE), attest to the earliest presence of Muslims in Southeast Asia.[27]

The Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa (Kedah Annals) describes the first king of Kedah as arriving on the shores of Kedah as a result of an attack by a mythical gigantic beast, which was quite a similar account to what Indarapatra had found when he arrived Mindanao. According to At-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah, written by Muhammad Hassan bin Dato' Kerani Muhammad Arshad, 1928, in about 630 CE, Maharaja Derbar Raja I of Gombroon (now known as Bandar Abbas) in Persia was defeated in battle and escaped to Sri Lanka, and he was later blown off course by a storm to the remote shores of Kuala Sungai Qilah, Kedah. The inhabitants of Kedah saw in him all the signs of of a wise and brave ruler, so they made him their king. In 634 CE, a new kingdom Kedah consisting of Persian royalty and native Malay of Hindu faith was established, with Laṅgkasuka as its capital.

It was a later Durbaraja II [r. 1136 - 1179] who first became a Muslim. Durabarja II was the only son of Mahajiva, Raja of Kedah, who was styled Phaya Ong Maha Podisat by the Siamese. Mahajiva was in turn the son of Dharmaraja I, Rajah of Kedah. So the best assignment we can engage Sheik Laṅgawi was as sufi proselytizers who brought Islam to the kingdom. The beginning of the use of the title sultan in Kedah is attributed to a visit by a Sheik Abdullah bin Ja'afar Quamiri from Yemen to Durbar Raja II's palace at Bukit Meriam in 1136. The audience resulted in the king's conversion to Islam. He adopted the name Mudzaffar Shah I and established the sultanate of Kedah, which continues to rule today as one of the most enduring royalties in the world.

Durbaraja II had three children: Sultan Mu'azzam Shah [r.1179-1202] who became the Sultan of  Kedah; Tunku Muhammad Shah {Rajah Muda}; and Tunku Sulaiman Shah. Sulaiman, titled Tunku Laksamana, governed Langkapuri. It was him that Shiek sa Laṅgawia, son of Abdullah, must have served in turn on religious matters. With Shiek sa Laṅgawi, we are transported to the nusantara zone along the Straits of Malacca.


Laṅgawia is an island known as Laṅgkawi or Laṅgkapuri, a cluster of 99 islands off the mainland Kedah by the Strait of Malacca and bordering Siam (Thailand). Its chief is called a penghulu in the domain of the Kedah.[28] Historically, it was home to seafarers such as the orang laut. A few of the islands were used by Iranūns as their forward base in their raiding expeditions against Thailand, Sumatra and the coastal parts of South India. Some believed that Laṅgkawi is related to Laṅgkapuri mentioned in the Indian Rāmāyana and Bhagavata Purana literature.[29] The Rāmāyana exists in the kirim literature of the Maranao as Maradīa Lawāna. In the 14th century, the Chinese mariner Wang Dayuan identified the islands as Lóngyápútí (龍牙菩提). In the Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa  chronicles of Kedah, “Laṅgkapuri” was the home of the Garuda – Vishnu’s mythical bird. Sheik sa Laṅgawiya's relationship to the next entry becomes apparent.[30] The Iranuns' relationship with Kedah went beyond the early centuries. As late as 1789, the Iranūn allies of the Siak nakhoda, Syed Ali mounted with him an attack on Songkhla in Siam, burning the city, seized two Chinese junks and in the Iranūn's signature offensive, carted away a number of Siamese. The raid was made on behalf of the Kedah Sultan, ‘Abdu’llah al-Mukarram Shah ibni al-Marhum Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zain al-’Adilan Mu’azzam Shah {Al-Marhum Kota Star al-Thani}.[31] 

Shiek Abdul Kamal a Sultan nabi sa Komara Mantapoli[32]
By the time that we start to touch the Darangĕn component of the salsila, we have travelled back to an earlier period, making all the previous episodes irrelevant. Here Radīa Indarapatra was used as a prop to introduce the Darangĕn. The time for its start could approximately be placed at the first half of the 12th century. The Darangĕn was informed by the Sri Vijaya and the diaspora of the Cham civilization  consisting of a confederation of five principalities (lima pêngampung): Indrapura, Amarāvati, Vijaya, Kāuṭhara and Pāṇḍuraṅga.[33] By the time that the Majaphait rose to power in late 13th century, Běmbaran was but a memory. As I have said, I will save exploration of the Darangĕn era in the Monsoon Riders series, so let us turn to the Abbāsid caliphate in the ġuġudan.
 
Iphoon ko Abdul Hasim
Abdul Mutalib
Iphoon ko Abdul Mutalib
(Magari-ari): Abbas; Abuh Talib; Abdullah
Iphoon ko Abdullah: Nabi Mohammad (s.a.w.); Fatima Sohra

Iphoon ko Abbas
Al-ʿAbbās bin ٱلْعَبَّاسُ ٱبْنُ عَبْدِ ٱلْمُطَّلِبِ 'Abd al-Muṭṭalib[c.566-563] is only a half-sibling of Abuh Talib and Abdullah. He had a separate mother named Nutayla bint Janāb bint Kulayb - Khizriji of the Banū Taym Allāh.

(Milapi-lapis): 
Abdul Fadel; 
Abdul Fadel was al-Fadhl bin al-ʿAbbās [614-639]. As apparently this line is meant to thread down to the 5th Abbasid Caliph, Hārūn ar-Rashīd, the entry here should have been his brother instead: 'AbdAllah bin al-ʿAbbās [c. 618-687]. These brothers were sons of Al-ʿAbbās by his wife Lubaaba "Umm al-Fadhl" binte al-Haarith [c. 580-655]. Fadhl married Safiya bt. Mahmiya and he died at a young age (at 24-25). The couple had a daughter, Umm Kulthoom bt.al-Fadhl bin al-ʿAbbās, who was married to Imam Hassan b. Ali, and it is not known whether Hassan had a child with her, so this is a dead-end.

Abdul Malik;
Sultan Ali 
These two entries are obviously lemon. This salsila was a truncation which bears no resemblance at all to the actual descendants of Al-ʿAbbās bin Imaam 'Abd al-Muṭṭalib although 'Sultan Ali' here could with a stretch of imagination possibly be taken for Alī ibn Abdullah ibn Jaafar (item #3 below), but this Ali was not a 'Sultan' and the title was never used by the early caliphs at all but the late Ottoman empire.
Here is the actual lineage of Abbas down to Harun al-Rashid:
Al-ʿAbbās bin Imaam 'Abd al-Muṭṭalib;
'AbdAllah bin al-ʿAbbās [c. 618-687], born in Makkah, died in Taif; his mother was Lubaaba "Umm al-Fadhl" binte al-Haarith [c. 580-655];
Alī ibn Abdullah ibn Jaafar;
Muhammad al-Kamil bin Alī bin 'AbdAllah bin al-ʿAbbās [c. 674], born in Palestine;
Abu Ja'afar Abdallah al-Mansūr ibn Muhammad al-Kamil {2nd Abbasid Caliph} [714-775], born in Syria and died in Makkah. His mother was Raithah al-Haritsiyyah; 
Muhammad al-Mahdī bin Abdallah al-Mansūr {3rd Abbasid Caliph} [744-785]. He was poisoned by his concubine. His mother was Shikla;
Hārūn ar-Rashīd bin Muhammad al-Mahdī {5th Abbasid Caliph} [763-809], born in Rey, Tehran and buried in Humayd ibn Qahtaba Palace, Tūs, Razavi Khorasan, Isfahan. His mother was Al-Khayzuran binte Atta [?-789].
 
Abdul Rashid;
Shiek Harun (Ameril Mu’uminin)
These two entries is typical of the vagaries that plague transcribed genealogies where a full name is split into two to become two individuals, in this case the epithet was detached to form a separate individual.[34] The person in question was Hārūn ar-Rashīd bin Muhammad al-Mahdī, the 5th Abbasid Caliph. Abdul Rashid and Shiek Harun (Ameril Mu’uminin) is actually one and the same person.

Hārūn was the given name and Rashīd was an epithet. But before censuring this portion of the salsila as merely a figment of the transcriber's imagination, its bright side begs pointing out: the appellation 'Ameril Mu'uminin' in the salsila was on point as borne by numismatics. The coins of al-Hāruniyya struck at the beginning of his reign have a feature which is absolutely unique: they bear the legend mimmā amara bihi Hārun amir al-mu'-minin.[35]

Hārūn ar-Rashīd الرَشِيد هَارُون ruled in the golden age of Islamic civilization. He established the legendary Bayt al Hikma (House of Wisdom) library in Baghdad, and the city flourished as center of knowledge, culture and commerce. An incredibly influential advisor Hārūn could not shake off was his mother Al-Khayzuran الخيزران binte Atta She had been with him in the governance of the empire until her death. Incidentally, Khayzuran's name gained popularity as a choice for girls' names by many Iranūn parents, starting when a granddaughter of Sayyīd Muhammad Kebungsuan (Šyarīf Kabungsuwan) [c. 1475-?] and Ḅaì Mazśaoang (ika-2 inibūwat) {Baì sa Oāka} [c. 1485-?] was named after her. The kirim rendition is Kaizadan, and Putrí Kaizadan كايزادان  or Izad sa Malabang was married to Amaloyā Ṭopāän[36]. Since then up to the present, Kaizadan as a name is still being used. This bears pointing out as it provides testament to the access of the elite in the literature of the sufis whom they usually employ as a retainer to enhance or give credence to their social status in the polity.[37]

Hārūn ar-Rashīd's name itself was also popular in the nusantara region until today. In Sulu, a son of Datu Dacula (Dakala) {Ampatua sa Sulôg} adopted the title Hārūn al-Rashīd with its matching regnal title Amīr al-Mu’minīn who became the Sultan of Sulu [r.1886-1894]. In Lanao, Haroun Al-Raschid  [1924-1984] was the Sultan sa Bayang. Given the brevity of the salsila, one could make use of a hefty length of ellipsis here, but the sin of the writer is not ignorance but largely omission. Perhaps, the genealogist just wanted to give a snippet of information to demonstrate that the Putrí  Paramisula was indeed descended from Abbas without the benefit of extended elaboration. Given this, can we — on our own — really trace her ancestry to the Abassid caliphate, or in this case, her father Sharif Auliya?

Hārūn ar-Rashīd first married his cousin Amat al-Aziz (Zubaidah) bt. Ja'afar al-Mansūr [c. 764-831]. He married six times includin Azizah and Ghadir, and fathered 25 children.[38]

Šyarīf Auliya
Of course, it becomes clear that the kirim writer could not have thought that Šyarīf Auliya could be a son of Hārūn ar-Rashīd. What is meant here only was that he is a distant descendant of the 5th Abassid caliph. What is aimed was that Tabunaway, Mamalu, Sarabanun, and Tonina — who were alleged to be siblings — can trace their ancestry to the Ṭālibid genealogies, the grandfather of the Prophet, Abdul Mutalib through his son Abbas. Again the ellipsis here is long as Šyarīf Auliya who is estimated to have been born in 1350 was far removed from the era of Hārūn ar-Rashīd by about 587 years (which translates to 23.48 generations distance)[39]

Putrí Paramisuli (Karoma o Sharif Maradia)
(Magari-ari) Tabunawan; Mamalu; Sarabanun;Tonina
Šyarīf Auliya married Bedadāri (Medadāri) {Baì na Matŭtŭm} and begot  Paramisúli sa Tantawan (Tetuan). From here we can discern the object of the kirim writer to connect the progenies of Putri Paramisuli to Abbas from whom the name of the Abbassid caliphate was taken, but it miserably failed.[40]

Iphoon ko Abuh Talib: Baguinda Ali (Karoma niyan so Fatima Sohra a wata o nabi Mohammad (s.a.w.)
(Magari) Amir Hassan;  Amir Hussain
Iphoon ko Amir Husain
(Milapi-lapis)

Sharif Ali Zainal Abedin
Ali ibn Husayn Zayn al-Abidin[41] عَلِيّ زَيْن ٱلْعَابِدِين al-Sajjad [659-713] was a survivor of the Battle of Karbal in 680 CE. He became next Imam after his father Husain.

Sharif Mohammad Bakir
Sharif Mohammad Bakir was Muhammad al-Baqir ٱلْبَاقِر مُحَمَّد [677-733], also known as Abu Ja'far was the 5th Shia Imam, succeeding his father Zayn al-Abidin. He married Farwah al-Qaasim and was succeeded by their son Ja'far-us-Saadiq.

Sharif Japar o Sedik
Sharif Japar o Sedik was Ja'far-us-Saadiq ٱلصَّادِقُ جَعْفَرُ [702-765], born and died in Medina. He is the son of  Muhammad Al-Baqir and Farwah bt. Al-Qassim.

Sharif Mosalhan (Morsal Khan)
Mosalhan was Musa al-Kasim (Kadhim) Al-Basri  مُوسَىٰ ٱلْكَاظِم, one of the two sons of  Ja'far-us-Saadiq and Bibi Hamidah Khatun. The other son was Ali Al-Uraidhi [circa 751-828] on whom many Malay and Indonesian Muslims claim descent.

Sharif Ali Riban
Ali Riban was Alī ibn Mūsā al-Rida عَلِيّ ٱلرِّضَا [765-818], the son of Musa al-Kasim (Kadhim) Al-Basri and Najmah Khatun. He was the 8th Imam of the Shia after his father.

Sharif Mohammad dil Awal
Mohammad dil Awal was Muhammad al-Jawad at-Taqi al-Qani ٱلْجوَّاد‎ مُحَمَّد [1811-835], the son of Alī ibn Mūsā al-Riḍā and Bibi Khaizaran Sabikah.

Sharif Aliol Hoda
Aliol Hoda was Ali al-Hadi an-Naqi ٱلْهَادِي عَلِيّ [828-868], born in Medina and died in Samarra, Salah al-Din, Iraq. He was the son of  Muhammad al-Jawad at-Taqi al-Qani and Sittie Hadīthah (Hudayth) Lady Sūsan/ Salīl [?-846, Medina].

Shiek Ali Hassan
Ali Hassan was al-Hasan al-Askari ٱلْعَسْكَرِيّ ٱلْحَسَن [846-874]. He was born in Medina and died in Samarra, Salah al-Din, Iraq. He is the son of Ali al-Hadi an-Naqi and Narges (Narjis) Khatoon bt. Yashoua [832-890]

Hassanol Mohdil
If Hassanol Mohdil was Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi [869-874] , then this is very controversial indeed. It is very hard to pin "Mohdil" to the other children of Hasan al-Askari , but "Mohdil" comes close to "Mahdi."

Shiek ya Hassan
Sheikya Hassan was Al-Hassan bin Sayyidi Ali al-'Uraidhi, a grandson of Ja'far-us-Saadiq ibn Muhammad Al-Baqir (above). So this is some branching out that does not flow from the preceding entry. Many Indonesians try to trace their ancestry from  Ali Al-Uraidhi ibn Ja'faar Asshodiq, Hassan's father through his brother Muhammad an-Naqib bin Ali al-Uraidi.[42]

Sharif Ahmad
A comparative table I prepared tends to identify this Sharif Ahmad as Ahmad al-Muhajir ibn Īsa (al-Rūmī) who died in 957. His connection to Al-Hassan bin Sayyidi Ali al-'Uraidhi in the preceding entry was that Ahmad married his granddaughter, Zainab bt. Abdullah al-Hassan b. Al Hassan al Uraidi. They had a son named Abdullah alternatively called Ubaidullah.

Sharif Mohammad Akil
Sharif Mohammad Akil is definitely not Ubaidillah (Abdullah) Ahmad al-Muhajir. It does not help to speculate on it based on the following entry because Sharif Alawī is too generic as a name in the line of Bā  'Alawīs of Ḥaḍramawt.
A maqbara in Tarim, Yemen.

Sharif Alawi
The name Sharif Alawi is too generic for us to be able to peg to any of the many Alawīs that spanned the centuries.  If he is the father of Sharif Mohammad Sharifudin, it only serves to show that, however nebulous, Sharifudin is putatively descended from the Prophet via the Bā 'Alawīs. The first of the Bā ‘Alawīs was Alawī al-Awwal (Alawī Al Mubtakir) bin Abdullah, son of Ubaidullah. The gap between him and Sharifudin would be about 19 generations of Alawīs.[43]

Sharif  Mohammad Sharifudin (Aya somiyorat ko Salsila)
The salsila is discrete in naming Mohammad Sharifudin as the father of Ali Zainal Abedin (inibowat) and Abdul Rahman, where the former was the father of Sharif Kabungsuan.

Six centuries spans the year of birth of Hassanol Mohdil (Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi) and Šyarīf Kabungsuan.[44] At the least between 20 to 24 generations[45] had to be accounted. But from the salsila it took only 7 generations to reach Šyarīf Kabungusuan which presents an anomaly in reckoning the period that elapsed. A discussion on the parenthood of Šyarīf Kabungsuan is a very contentious one, so (as I have earlier indicated) I am reserving its exploration in my Monsoon Riders series.

In closing, I hope we have in a way assuaged the curiosity of our readers, pegged this portion of the salsila in its proper context, and even helped disabuse our minds of cobwebs of preconceived notions wrought by a misreading of the kirim. Despite its shortcomings, a reading of the kirim is in fact beneficial even for what it avoided revealing. For a repartee, let me illustrate one example: For its brevity, the preceding entries on the Umayyad dynasty illumined us more for what it consciously avoided. Here, the side-stepping of Harb, another son of Umayyah, in the salsila is made manifest. As late as the 1970s (until now), the invective "Yazid!"is used as an expletive among Maranaos and Magindanaos to utter disgust over someone as uncouth or the lowliest and meanest person on earth.  This has reference to Yazid bin Muʿāwiyah I {2nd Umayyad Caliph} [644-683], and it is from the line of Harb bin Umayyah he descended from. His nomination in 676 as caliph by his father Muʿāwiyah —  in transgression of a peace treaty that ended the first ever Islamic civil war —  was opposed by the Hejaz. Husayn, the grandson of the Prophet, after Muawiya's death in 680, refused to recognize Yazid. On his way to Kufa to lead an uprising against the newly installed caliph, his token band of supporters was annihilated by Yazid's forces where Husayn himself was killed in the Battle of Karbala. The event was memorialized by the folks of Lanao by dubbing the Battle of Bayang in 1902 as their own "Padang Karbala." This bespoke of the influence of the Sammāniyya and Shaṭṭāriyya and other sufi tariqas among the Iranūn warrior tribes even long past their seafaring tradition. The Sammāniyya had a penchant for compiling literature about heroism to inspire the ranks of Iranūn warriors, and work them into frenzy before every battle. Every padau(prahu) is assigned a qāżīs who leads the chant to inspire the men, and every fleet had its own  sahid o’ zaman who oversees the spiritual nourishment of the band of warriors.

Our forebears took pride on their being sentinels of our genealogy. As syndics of their clans, they avow to its cherished truth. Rather than censure them for their inaccuracies (even prejudices), we must allow them a wide berth. As one Middle Eastern proverb goes: "A known mistake is better than an unknown truth.” In fact, the detours are even a blessing in disguise. Here, our forebears had demonstrated the breadth of their knowledge in recounting the kinship relations of the progenies of Abd al Manaf b. Imam Qusay down to the Ṭālibid branch of the Banū Hāshim; they focused on the 'Alid lineages, but other Ṭālibids were also covered. It even allowed us to uncover or connect previously unknown relationship and a few tidbits of history. To me this is quite a feat.

One could only pine for the hordes of literature that our forebears had at their disposal before their destruction, which belies the colonialist insistence that we owe them our civilization. In the last five years, the author had tooth-combed over five hundred salsilas, ġuġudan, collected reminiscences, done interviews and fieldworks, and helped oversee the preservation programs that digitized kirim or jawi manuscripts, scrolls and unbound bungkos (a textual lode of 10,000 pages  worth).  Past the coming of the earliest Šyarīfs   and the Darangěn, I for one, can attest to the integrity of the salsilas in their propensity to be reconciled with one another. The facility to crisscross references, thanks to the advent of genealogic software tools that allow us to verify the accuracy of the entries had reinforced my faith in these heirlooms. These carryovers from a vanishing past left us by our ancestors are our true strength. They are the breadcrumbs that clue us in into their glorious deeds and we must not allow them to be swept away without any trace…

Notes:
 [1] The author wishes to thank Dr. Norma M. Sharief for her unwavering support and belief in our cultural and historical projects; thanks also goes to Amanoding Esmail, our President  at SAICCI for backing me on many endeavors; to Dr. Noralin S. Ador for helping me chart the path and trajectory we are taking;; to my wife, Norolaine Pacasum for her patience, encouragement, and doing chores when I am indisposed; and, to everyone, here and abroad, students, lecturers, ethnologists, translators, paleographers and plain-vanilla country folks too numerous to mention, who donated their time and effort in our researches and fieldworks.
[2] Nasser S. Sharief, CPA, FRIAcc, SFRIM, is Secretary General of the Southeast Asian Islamic Chamber of Commerce and Industry. He is a genealogist on Southeast Asia, a writer (fiction and non-fiction), and an autodidact historian on Moro historiography. Visit his blog: www.onmaranao.blogspot.com
[3] Morimoto Kazuo (ed.), "Introduction" in Sayyids and Sharifs in Muslim Societies: The living links to the Prophet (London: Routledge, 2012), 3.
[4] Ibid, 4
[5] Maritime Southeast Asia.
[6] Jawi scripts largely used by Iranūn but with some minor alphabet differences with the Malay and Indonesian.
[7] I fully concur with the explanation offered by the semanticist Edris Tamano that Iranūn originally came from the word Iranaun, where the 'a' was eventually elided. See his post: The Lakers Around the World, Oct. 29, 2020. https://www.facebook.com/edris.tamano.5, accessed 11/1/2020.
[8] This refers to lake Lanao.
[9]  Jawa. Java.
[10] In the Mindanao Island, among the Iranūn, the Talāandig, Manobos, and the Magindanao, the term is "ġuġud". But while the ġuġud of the Talāandig and other tribes broadly embrace their cosmology and the tribe's primordial origins, giving only a token interest on genealogy, the ġuġudan of the Ranaū-Iranūn and the Magindanao had evolved to mean a stripped-down genealogy of the bloodline of a subject to justify bestowal, entitlement to a portion of an inheritance, or acceptability in a marriage proposal. Ġuġud literally means to explain (narrate) or break down into components how certain things are. Because of its narrow form, usually a coppice, which makes it easy to digest, ġuġudan is the medium employed by bayok-singers in giving brief panegyric to their sponsors in weddings, feasts, dyalaga (hymeneal proposal), bestowals, banquets, and other occasions.
[11] Tingcap G. Pandi, Sempad a Maradika a Paningglan sa Ranao (Marawi City, 2008?), 7-10. Also quoted in the popular website: Ontay Marugong.net; and, Mohammad Saladudin Talib B. Lomondot, Maranao: So totholanon, taritib, Ijma ago Impot a Salsila (Iligan: Padilla Printing Press, 2014), 186-9.
[12] Inibowat is a genealogical marker utilized in the salsila to indicate that a person or persons up the line of the same name is an ancestor.
[13] Najeeb Mitry Saleeby, Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1905).
[14] Frank Charles Laubach, The People of the Philippines: Their Religious Progress and Preparation for Spiritual Leadership in the Far East (New York: George H. Duran Company, 1925), 39.
[15] E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands 1493-1898, Vol. 4.
[16] Blair and Robertson, Vol. 4.
[17] Karnaké is the old Iranūn name for Ternate, and it is by this name that the kirim addressed the kingdom.
[18] Najeeb Mitry Saleeby, History of Sulu (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1908).
[19] William Henry Scott, Looking for the Prehispanic Filipino (Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1992), v.
[20] Annabel Teh Gallop, Malay manuscripts on Chinese paper; In the modern era, these manuscripts which were kept as heirlooms were hardly shared to outsiders by the clan who owns them. The rebellion of the 1970s took its toll on many of these irreplaceable manuscripts which were lost in the constant evacuation.
[21] His casual name was Sayyiduna. His title was Walīy al-ālim Negiri Binidayan al-Qudsi. He was born around 1783 in Magonaya, Binidayan, Lanao. For a survey of his works, see the monographs of Kawashima Midori published by Sophia University in Tokyo.
[22] The annotations that follow are largely extracted from my database. I will be using footnotes on them sparingly in order not to overwhelm this article or we would not be seeing the forest for the trees. For the same reason, I am not including references to the ancestry of 'Abd al Manaf.
[23] The couple is the subject of a Netflix historical fiction and adventure series created by Mehmet Bozdağ titled Diriliş: Ertuğrul that premiered on TRT 1 in Turkey, 2014.
[24] An exploration of the Ottoman's relations with the Moro in the Philippines is found in The peal of lantacas, the boom of church bells: Ottoman's influence in the making of the Philippines, which Dr. Norma M. Sharief had co-authored with this writer.
[25]  An interview with Sayyid 'Umar ibn 'Abdullah al-Shātrī, Subang Jaya, 8th July
2005. See Abdul Rahman Tang Abdullah, "Arab Hadhramis in Malaysia: Their Origins and Assimilation in Malay Society," in, The Hadhrami Diaspora in Southeast Asia: Identity Maintenance or Assimilation?, (eds.) Ahmed Ibrahim Abushouk, Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim (Boston: Brill, 2009), 46.
[26] About 23,000 as of 2015.
[27] Maziar Mozafarri Falarti, Malay Kingship in Kedah: Religion, Trade, and Society (Maryland: Lexington Books, 2013), 3.
[28] Tagalog: pangulo. The penghulu of the Laṅgkawi Islands in 1621 refused to sell pepper to the French explorer Augustin de Beaulieu without first producing a license from Kedah's heir apparent.
[29] Falarti, Malay Kingship, 94.
[30] Dr. Hezri Adnan: Langkawi: What's in a name, in https://www.ttrweekly.com/site/2020/04/langkawi-whats-in-a-name/
[31] (SSFR 2, 17 July 1789, Francis Light to Governor General;  Forrest, 1972:192-193; Ali, 2007a; and Ali & Tarsat, 2017).
[32] The Mantapoli in Marantao, Lanao today is of recent vintage and has no bearing at all to the Kumara Mantapoli in the Darangĕn. It was named by Ḅaì Tonina Pansom Abinal, a famous composer in the 1960s of bayok poetry sung by the late Romarêk a Tantaoūn. Incidentally, I was also told that Ḅaì Tonina had employed a child named Pango (Edris Tamano) to write into kirim scripts many of her compositions to free her from the chore. Tonina's son, Mabini Abdullah Diampuan, had loaned me two volumes of what was salvaged from her works for inclusion in the digitization program of the Manila-based Kalinangan Foundation under the sponsorship of the Prince Klaus Foundation of Holland.
[33] Pāṇḍuraṅga is alternatively called Pandara, and it is by this name that the Iranūn had come to know what is now the provinces of Ninh Thuận and Bình Thuận in Vietnam bordering Cambodia today.
[34] This type of error creeps up every now and then in the salsila. Another example is an entry in Manuscipt No. V, a manuscript copy of the one in possession of Datu Kali Adam of Kalanganan in Najeeb Saleeby's compilation (1905). Written in a mixture of Malay and Magindanao, the salsila spoke of the 'Genealogy of Magindanao and the Iranun Datus.' In the last portion (Part III), in the children of 'Amatunding and Gāyang, the sister of Qudrat', we found the entry 'Pindaw' and 'Dawa-dawa.' As every Nuni genealogy aficionado would attest, this is just one and the same person in the shape of Pindawadawa ā Óray, the wife of Balindong Bésar.
[35]  Michael Bonner, Al-Khalīfa Al-Marḍī: The Accession of Hārūn Al-Rashīd, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 108, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1988) American Oriental Society, pp. 79-91 Published by: Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/603247 .Accessed: 13/06/2014 05:17
[36] Son of Bayugan Baringīgan sa Bŭgasan and Riganding {Ḅaì sa Kabuntalan}. Genealogy reference: Angkaya sa Maciu by Baí  Macabai (Hadja Zohra) Mangandog; The Balindong Dynasty of the Diminion of Maciu: A Brief History by Monsing Macabando; and, Rajah Buayan, Maguindanao and Kabuntalan Sultanate, where he is referred to as "Amaluya Datu a Pakagaga.”
[37] On the surface, this tidbit may appear trivial but deep down it gives us a glimpse of the depth of knowledge of the Iranūn on Islamic literature at the time of the coming of Šyarīf Kabungsuwan. Contrary to popular belief perpetuated by the manuscripts contained in the collection of Saleeby's, most of the royal houses of the Iranūn were already Islamized courtesy of the program of Zainal Abidin Gapi Buta (Tidore Wangi) {Sultan of Ternate 1486-1500}.This will be covered in depth by the author in his Monsoon Riders series.
[38] Bobrick, Benson (2012). The Caliph's Splendor: Islam and the West in the Golden Age of Baghdad. Simon & Schuster. p. 38. ISBN 978-1416567622.
[39]*Using 25 years. A generation is "all of the people born and living at about the same time, regarded collectively." It can also be described as, "the average period, generally considered to be about 20–30 years, during which children are born and grow up, become adults, and begin to have children." 
[40] Again, the author reserves the exploration of Šyarīf Auliya, Putrí Paramisuli, Šyarīf Maradia, Tabunaway and the rest in his forthcoming Monsoon Riders series.
[41] *Zayn al-Abidin as a cognomen means "Adornment of the Worshippers." It had become very popular with the Muslim rulers of Southeast Asia, and in the salsila, the putative father of Sayyīd Muhammad Kebungsuan (Šyarīf Kabungsuwan) was named Ali Zainal Abidin.
[42] In a conversation with Sayyid Aliakbar Abinal in 2018, he told me that when he was writing his thesis in Tehran, his fellow Indonesian students said that he could trace his ancestry through the al-'Uraidhi branch of the Bā  'Alawīs of Hydramawt.
[43] 1454-976/25=19.12.
[44] 1475 - 874 = 601.
[45] 601/25 = 24.04 or 601/30 = 20.0333.